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The following quotation from a preface, signed b On the other hand, more and more historians and archaeologists make use of concepts borrowed from postcolonial criticism, such as hybridity, or refer directly to postcolonialism in their works 2. The concept of cultural hybridity as introduced by Homi Bhabha is only understandable in the context of the ambivalence of hegemony and power 4. Whereas in the past ethnicity was a central category in the study of ancient and modern colonisations 5 , postcolonial criticism emphasises the role of ethnicity as one category among others to define power relations 6.
Inspired by the work of Antonio Gramsci, postcolonial authors started to shift the perspective toward cultural hegemony and subalternity 7.
One of the central questions in this regard is: In this context, the identification of subaltern groups and their possibilities of social mobility and expression could be a starting point for a postcolonial history of Classical and Hellenistic Magna Graecia.
In a second step, I would like to consider if and how marginality and subalternity were codified in terms of ethnicity and hybridity. As a case study I would like to look at Herakleia modern Policoro and its hinterland, where the Scuola di Specializzazione in Beni Archaeologici of Matera SSBA has been carrying out an archaeological field survey since In particular, the questions I would like to address are: Eventually the war was settled with the establishment of a joint colony.
From that moment on, Herakleia appears as an apoikia of Taras only, and there were close relations between the two cities way into the Hellenistic period as findings from Herakleia prove.
Lippolis, in Lippolis , p. It is true that the city had suffered a catastrophic defeat against the Iapygians in the s when trying to expand further east Archaeologically this becomes visible in various ways. Both in the city itself and in the chora the rich and monumental tombs of the Late Archaic period were replaced by much more modest ones The fortifications were amplified, embracing a much larger area than before about hectares.
Although part of the walled area was used as a burial ground a unique situation in the Greek world , a greater number of citizens were able to live in the city centre At the same time, analysis of the rural settlement points to modifications in land tenure However, if the defeat against the Iapygians in the East might have contributed to a growing interest in Siris 19 , it is unlikely that the demographic development of Taras during the second half of the 5th century BC led to acute population pressure.
The chora of Taras comprised about square kilometres 20 , an area that would have been sufficient to feed approximately , people, which is a huge number for a 5th century polis, given that the biggest Greek cities of the time Athens and Syracuse had probably not more than about 50, inhabitants What is more, Taras seems to have exported considerable amounts of various goods and products Even if the polis reached a population of more than 40,, it could have imported staple food in return for export goods.
Thourioi too did not lack agricultural land. In fact, a few years after the foundation new settlers had to be called from Mainland Greece to reinforce the existing community Diodorus XII 11,2. Thus, neither Taras nor Thourioi appear to have had any immediate necessity to expand their territories. I think, however, it was not the presumed weakness of Thourioi before long the stasis had been settled peacefully but rather the opposite, namely the readiness of Athens and its allies to intervene in Italy which urged Taras to act.
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Such compulsory education shall be free. In cases mentioned in the foregoing paragraph, when the majority of the voters favors the dismissal of a judge, he shall be dismissed.
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